Monday, 13 May 2013

Biography - Norwell Roberts

by Marjorie H Morgan © 2015

Section 1
1960 – 1969
Entering the Wilderness

Norwell Lionel Roberts (aka Norwell Gumbs). QPM. Policeman. Born: 1946, Anguilla.

Norwell Roberts (aka Norwell Gumbs) was born in Anguilla in 1946. Roberts’ father died when he was three years old. Neverthless, he had a strict upbringing and was often publicly reprimanded by his grandmother, who was a Methodist deaconess. After his mother obtained employment as a housemaid in the UK, Norwell Roberts left the West Indies and moved to England when he was 9 years old.

In his new British home Roberts experienced prejudice at an early age; after passing his 11 plus exam he was refused entry into a grammar school because it was deemed that he was not sufficiently ‘aware’ of English ways. Nevertheless, Roberts continued his education at a secondary modern school in Bromley, Kent. At that school he became familiar with more incidents of discrimination – from which he still bears a scar – such as when some older pupils at the school, sixth formers, dropped him to ‘see what colour’ his blood was[1]. Life at home was also discordant when Roberts’ mother remarried, because he did not have a close enduring relationship with his step-father who kicked Roberts out of the family home when he was just 15 years old.

Sometime afterwards he began work as a Laboratory Technician in the Botany Department of London University. During his employment at the University Roberts completed an application form to join the police force. His subsequent selection challenged the White identity of the police force within London. Many previous applicants had been discouraged from advancing their applications beyond the form submission stage. Roberts career as a police officer was the start of an attempt to change the ‘face’ of the capital’s police force. Previous to his employment within the Metropolitan Police, the force was entirely made up of members of the indigenous community who, inevitably, shared personal prejudices and racial attitudes in their working practices; this was a source of constant problems for the post-war migrants – some of who disliked Roberts’ choice to enlist as a policeman[2].

In March 1967, when Roberts was 21 he officially joined the Metropolitan Police (Met) and achieved media and public attention because he was the first Black police officer in London. At that time there were very few Black people in uniform: it was the previous year, 1966, that saw the introduction of the first Black Traffic Wardens in the country. When Roberts joined the Metropolitan Police in 1967 there were only 5 other black police officers in the whole of the UK, and they were all located outside of the capital. After six years the number of Black policemen within the Met had risen to 8 out of 21,500[3]. Despite this slow start within the nation’s capital the first recorded Black police officer in the country has been identified as John Kent, aka ‘Black Kent’. Kent was a police constable in Carlisle in 1837.[4]

Under the scrutiny of the popular press of the time, Roberts completed his initial training at Hendon Police College. Roberts’ selection and training was a test for community relationships within all sections of the multi-cultural British society of the 1960s. He remained in the police force for 30 years and rose to the rank of Detective Sergeant. His initial placement was at Bow Street Police Station, in Covent Garden, London. Despite the early public interest in his career, whilst doing his work Roberts was subjected to regular discrimination from both his colleagues and the general public. Roberts recalls that on the first day of his Bow Street probation placement, the duty sergeant told him that he would ensure that Roberts never completed the training period there[5]. In spite of being ostracised by his fellow police officers, Roberts remained in the police force and was often used for ‘positive discrimination’ photographic opportunities by the Metropolitan Police. Before joining the Met, Roberts worked at London University. It was whilst there that he met, and became engaged to Carolyn Rooke, also a Laboratory Technician, who worked in the Zoology Department: their engagement news, in April 1968, was reported in detail in newspapers[6]

Roberts served at several police stations across the metropolitan area including: West Hampstead, West End Central, Wembley, Kentish Town, Vine Street, Ealing, Albany Street, Barnet and Acton. Roberts had several successes in his career, one of which occurred in 1985 when he was in CID and he won a commendation for outstanding work on the cases on five contract killers. It is also reported that Roberts achieved substantial success as the first Black undercover officer.
In 1996 Roberts was awarded the Queen’s Police Medal (QPM) for distinguished service – one of the highest awards given to members of the British constabulary. Roberts retired from the Metropolitan Police in 1997. He lives in Harrow. Since retiring from the Met, Roberts has focused on work within the field of human resources and anti-discriminatory practices.

[2] Whitfield, J., (2004), Unhappy Dialogue: The Metropolitan Police and black Londoners in Post-war Britain. Willian Publishing: Cullompton, Devon.
[3] Jet, 5th July 1973

Tuesday, 8 January 2013

Carmen Bryan and the Commonwealth Immigrants Act 1962

1960’s Britain – The case of Carmen Bryan and the Commonwealth Immigrants Act 1962

by Marjorie H Morgan © 2015

Section 1
1960 – 1969
Entering the Wilderness

Carmen Bryan - Deportation order for £2 shoplifting offence

British citizenship had been a long tradition within the British Commonwealth, however, following the end of WWII and the continual steady migration of British Caribbean citizens to the UK, there was an increase in British legislation to alter the rights of Commonwealth and colonial people. Before the 1960s it was generally accepted that every British citizen had the same rights: nevertheless, following post-war residency in the UK by Caribbeans and other Commonwealth citizens the long tradition of equality was rapidly replaced by new laws that limited the rights of many colonial people - including access to the UK and the right to remain within the country.
Immigration controls became more entrenched with the Commonwealth Immigrants Act (CIA) 1962 requiring employment vouchers from Commonwealth British citizens before entry to the UK was permitted, and there was the additional residency requirement that no serious criminal convictions be committed for five years after entry otherwise deportation was an option. The CIA 1962 was widely seen to introduce the ‘colour bar’ into legislation.

In 1962, in the initial seven weeks following the introduction of the CIA by the Conservative government, there were in excess of eighty recommendations for deportation from the UK – many for misdemeanours. When deportation orders were initially discussed in Parliament relating to the Commonwealth Immigrants Bill specific assurances were given that such orders for deportation “would not be made in the case of Commonwealth immigrants for relatively trivial offences and the powers sought were for only serious offences” [1]
Henry Brooke was the incumbent Home Secretary at the time when a decision to deport one particular woman, Carmen Bryan, came under critical review. The Carmen Bryan case brought into focus the integrity and good faith of the government. On 2nd June 1962, the day after Part II of the Commonwealth Immigrants Act came into operation, Bryan, a 22 year old Jamaican who had been living and working in England since 1960, pled guilty to petty larceny (she shoplifted goods worth £2) and as a result of this plea at Paddington magistrates court she was given a conditional discharge, without a fine, and an additional recommendation for deportation to Jamaica. This was the first case under the CIA (1962) to have come before the particular magistrate and he decided that Bryan had not settled down in the UK successfully so it would be better for her if she returned to the Caribbean. Since her arrival in the UK in 1960 Bryan had been working in a welding factory, however, following a bout of illness and a subsequent operation she was unable to resume her employment there. Consequently she had attempted to obtain clerical work but was unsuccessful in obtaining employment in any other field. Bryan was, however, engaged to a fellow Jamaican immigrant, Leslie Walker who was employed as a welder.

Despite the conditional discharge Bryan was subjected to detention in Holloway Prison pending her removal from the country. The magistrate’s court had the power to release her pending the confirmation of deportation but they did not choose to do so notwithstanding the petty offence she had committed. Whilst detained in prison for six weeks – without any conviction - Bryan was not offered any legal advice nor did she have access to the Jamaican High Commission for over four weeks. Bryan was also denied contact with any friends within the UK: for over a month she remained totally isolated within the prison system.

Bryan’s deportation proposal was confirmed by the Home Secretary, Henry Brooke, who agreed with the sentencing of the local magistrates and as a result of this decision there was a political and media outcry. In July 1962 the Home Secretary was subsequently questioned by Sir Eric Fletcher (member for Islington East) “Is it the intention of the Government to treat Commonwealth immigrants, as regards deportation, worse than aliens and to use their powers in respect of trivial offences of this kind— on a first offence?”[2] Brooke argued that his conviction regarding the deportation was partially because Carmen Bryan had expressed a personal desire to return to Jamaica as she was unemployed and had no relatives in the country. The member for Islington East (Sir Eric Fletcher) explained that Bryan had not been given the opportunity to appeal because she had been incorrectly informed that any appeal could potentially lead to an indefinite long-term sentence in Holloway Prison followed by inevitable deportation. After four days Henry Brooke withdrew his recommendation and Carmen Bryan was freed from prison and allowed to remain in the UK. Following her release from Holloway prison Bryan married her fiancé Leslie Walker at the end of July 1962.  
As a result of this change in decision in the case of Carmen Bryan, deportations for misdemeanours were accordingly suspended. Many discussions on this matter followed in the Houses of Parliament[3], where it was suggested by some members that if the principle of deportation for a minor offence was established then there was a possibility that people wishing to be repatriated to their countries of origin would be encouraged to commit petty crimes to facilitate free transportation. 

The concerns raised in the Carmen Bryan case were that Bryan’s was not in fact an isolated case: in July 1962 there were already around 50 cases of deportation pending. This particular case served to highlight several serious and grave principles of procedure and in the application of the CIA(1962). It was suggested, by George Brown MP, that, contrary to the Government’s stated intention of the CIA(1962), the judicial benches were applying the recommendation to deport Commonwealth immigrants as a matter of course and - other MPs agreed - that the law may have been applied in a harsh and vindictive manner. George Brown suggested that the preponderance of deportation sentences were a result of decent people being misled and becoming full of hate and prejudice[4]. Fryer, in Staying Power: The History of Black People in Britain, stated that the Commonwealth Immigrants Act officially associated blackness “with second-class citizenship, with the status of undesirable immigrant. Serious inroads were made into the civil rights of British citizens whose passports had been issued outside the UK. They were now subject to entry control. They were now liable to the double jeopardy of deportation if convicted of an offence within five years of arrival.”[5]
The population figures of the 1950s show that there was more than double the number of Irish immigrants to Caribbean immigrants, however the visibility of the black Caribbeans resulted in an attitudinal shift from the white British. In 1958 Black British populations in London and Nottingham were part of well documented disturbances following attacks from white people. The popular press reported these interactions as an example of the potential hazards of unlimited immigration. There were several public campaigns to ‘Keep Britain White’ alongside aggressive action against black people from some Teddy Boys’ and Fascists’ groups.

In the early 1960s the political restrictions and mood of the country were reflected in the popular press that traded on public anxiety over ‘coloured immigration’. The entire white indigenous population of the nation appeared to sense an urgent need to close the ‘open door’ from the Commonwealth to the UK.

Tuesday, 18 December 2012

The History of Black British Churches - 1960s Britain

1960’s Britain – The rise of the black majority church.

by Marjorie H Morgan © 2015

Section 1
1960 – 1969
Entering the Wilderness

Growth of religious identity

The discrimination within Britain was, and always has been, more subtle than that in the USA because of the difference in the origin of the majority of each country’s black populations. In the 1960s and 70s black churches in America were at the forefront of the civil rights movement as they expressed a strong concern against the oppression of minority groups.  The black churches there were inextricably linked to social politics and moral rights. On a weekly basis there were numerous occurrences of partisan political preaching from pulpits across the nation.  This black liberation theology proposed combating the multiple forms of social, economic, political and religious oppression using Christianity and the Bible as motivation for change towards the ultimate goal of freedom and justice for all people[1]. Martin Luther King, Jr., Ralph D Abernathy, Joseph Lowery,    and Jesse Jackson are a few of the more prominent American preaching social activists of the period. 

In the 1950s and ‘60s the Caribbean migrants to the UK initially attended the Christian church within their local community. Religious faith was an important element of many of the travellers’ lives as they had inherited a great spiritual heritage from their ancestors in both the Caribbean and Africa. Attendance at church was viewed as a time and place to formally give thanks and share praise for the blessings of life. However, when many Caribbean migrants started their weekly presence in the majority white churches it quickly became a negative experience of repeated rejection for them. It was the one place where they believed they would be safe from discrimination - they were, nevertheless, persistently disappointed. Within the cold Christian church environments the Caribbean worshipers were made freshly aware that their black bodies were not welcomed in the traditionally white spaces of the British church.

The long established worship spaces in the UK were not readily inclusive of the Caribbean Christians in the early 1960s. Caribbean Christians were generally marginalised and discriminated against by their white Christian hosts. Within those environments where the vicars welcomed the migrant worshippers, there was an immediate falling away of the regular white congregation[2]. This lack of integration within the spiritual world in their new home confirmed the complete separation of identity for the migrant black British Caribbean from that of the indigenous white British population.  Community identity is frequently defined by the membership of particular groups such as churches, clubs and newspapers. Black British Caribbean communities therefore had to carve out their own spaces as they attempted integration and representation in Britain.

Whilst in the Caribbean many citizens regarded themselves as living in ‘Little Britain’: home away from home. Physical arrival in the motherland removed the idea of the close connections and similarities that they believed existed while several thousands of miles apart. Once in Britain the Caribbean migrant tried to consolidate customs, language and religions – that had been imported to them in the West Indies from Europe – with the customs and behaviours of the white British. However, Caribbean migrants realised that they had a unique cultural identity that did not fit readily with that of the motherland.

Arrival in the UK did not guarantee that total assimilation would take place and the black Caribbean was alienated and permanently racially categorized as the ‘other’. This imbued the Caribbeans with a different psychological sense of community and social cohesion: they gravitating inwards, away from the white British hub of life.

Regular  worship was a familiar structure in many Caribbean lives before they travelled to the UK therefore these rejected enterprising citizens created their own churches in their new environments to retain one of the usual boundaries between life and work.  In the West Indies around 70 % of the total population attended church regularly, therefore the migrants arriving in Britain were astonished at the general national indifference to religion and the discrimination amongst those who did attend church[3]: this was considering that the British had originally brought Christianity to the West Indies[4].
In many cultures church gatherings are seen a traditional way of connecting with others in the community. When the Caribbeans began building their own churches there was the added economic advantage of keeping the finance within their community as well as retaining the social support and finance of the older generation.

Early black churches in the UK were mainly created as a response to marginalisation and discrimination, and they rapidly became sacred spaces for articulation of a particular Caribbean spirituality. In the early 1960s churches and religion became an important space for the expression of Caribbean identity in the UK that was free from the weight of the social customs of the wider British society. The mainstream practice of religion in Britain was a form of exclusion for the migrant Caribbeans, however, they harnessed their spiritual expression and made their religion a cornerstone of black British Caribbean identity: this was true of Christianity and Rastafarianism alike.

When Caribbeans managed their own worship space they were participating in carving out a unique British identity in their new society by taking on a role of power and resistance against the over-riding mode of reserved worship practices of the majority white Christian congregations. The new black church spaces were an essential part of their emerging hybrid identity in their new geographically landscape: creating Caribbean churches was a self-empowering act. Malcolm Calley (cited in Cashmore, 1988) states that Pentecostalism is believed to have started in the UK in 1954 when worship services were first known to be held in private homes[5].

As the separation of black and white Christian weekly worship continued from the 1950s into the ‘60s there was a development of new denominations and the growth of branches of existing religious denominations. This was the period of embryonic growth in Britain for the New Testament Church of God, the Church of God of Prophecy, the Church of God in Christ and the Seventh-day Adventists (SDA). The SDAs were so popular with West Indians that within the first three years of this decade they constituted a third of the national membership: in some areas, such as Brixton in London, the SDA churches membership rapidly altered to being a black majority church from a previously all-white institution.   

Black majority churches in Britain soon became the ‘home from home’ environment the migrants were seeking. Within these groups newcomers were more able to have their social and spiritual needs met. Black churches, especially Pentecostal churches, were designated places of free expression. There were stark differences between the black majority church and the white Anglicized church in both the use of music and the spoken word. The ‘call and response’ tradition was soon visible in the regular worship practices of the Caribbean Christians as they established more places of worship – these black majority churches were excluded from mainstream British Christianity[6]. Within the black majority churches active congregation participation returned to the customary worship services of the migrants in Britain when their style of praise reflected their Caribbean traditions[7]. This was just another means of community involvement as the whole congregation were important constituents in the normal routine of spiritual enlightenment and understanding[8]. Churches were central to the identity of British Caribbeans in 1960s Britain; they were a lynchpin of a strong social life, matched only by the West Indian sports and social clubs that soon sprouted around the country.

[1] Cone, James. H. A Black theology of liberation. Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott Company, 1970.
[2] Birmingham ILT Services. Black in Birmingham. Birmingham: Birmingham ILT Services, 1987.
[3] Hill. Clifford. S. West Indian Migrants and the London Churches. Oxford: Oxford Union Press, 1963.
[4] Hiro, Dilip. Black British, White British: A History of Race Relations in Britain. London: Grafton Books, 1991.

[5] Cashmore, Ernest. E. Dictionary of Race and Ethnic Relations. Abingdon: Routledge, 1988.
[6] Gerloff, Roswith. I.H. A Plea for British Black Theologies: The Black Church Movement in its Transatlantic Cultural and Theological Interaction with special reference to the Pentecostal Oneness (Apostolic) and Sabbatarian Movements. Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 1992.

[7] Hill, Clifford. S., and Mathews, Forrest. D. Race: A Christian Symposium. London: Victor Gollancz, 1968.
[8] Reddie, Anthony, G. Black Ecclesiologies, in The Routledge Companion to the Christian Church. pp 443-460. Mannion, Gerard., and Mudge, Lewis. S.,(eds.) Abingdon: Routledge, 2008.

Tuesday, 11 December 2012

E-book now online - Caribbean Britain – The Biographical and Cultural Directory (1960 – 2000)

E-book now online - Caribbean Britain – The Biographical and Cultural Directory (1960 – 2000).

I have launched an e-book that consists of some of the content of this blog and much more detailed background into Caribbean and British histories along with all the source references used in my research.

Also included are a series of biographies from Caribbean and British people with Caribbean cultural heritage.

This is now available from Scribd  by using the following link.

I hope you enjoy it.

Sunday, 14 October 2012

Trinidad and Tobago Independence 50 years (1962 - 2012) 50 people

50 years Golden Jubilee celebration of the Independence of Trinidad and Tobago - 31st August 1962

by Marjorie H Morgan © 2015

Section 1
1960 – 1969
Entering the Wilderness

31st August 2012

50 years  - 50 people from the islands of Trinidad and Tobago

1          Learie Constantine
2          Michael de Fretais (Michael X)
3          Pearl Connor-Mogotsi 
4          Edric Connor
5          C.L.R. James
6          Billy Ocean
7          Winifred Atwell
8          Claudia Jones
9          Ulric Cross
10        Jocelyn Barrow
11        Shiva Naipaul
12        V.S. Naipaul
13        Horace Ové
14        Wayne Gerald Trotman
15        Frances-Anne Solomon
16        Clem Curtis   
17        Stern John
18        Anthony Joseph
19        Don Warrington
20        Darcus Howe
21        Lynette Lithgow (Pearson)
22        Rudolph Walker
23        Floella Benjamin
24        Chris Bisson
25        Jlloyd Samuel
26        Eric Williams
27        Kenwyne Jones
28        Basedo Panday
29        Pat Bishop
30        Marlon Black
31        Brian Lara
32        Trevor McDonald
33        Dwight Yorke
34        Samuel Selvon
35        Earl Lovelace
36        Lord Kitchener (Aldwyn Roberts)
37        Lord Beginner (Egbert Moore)
38        George Padmore
39        John La Rose
40        Nina Baden-Semper
41        Stokely Carmichael
42        Ato Boldon
43        Nicki Minaj
44        Wintley Phipps
45        Joseph Lennox Pawan
46        Rudranath Capildeo
47        Hasely Crawford
48        A.N.R. Robinson
49        Eric Morton Roach
50        Carlton Robert Ottley

Monday, 1 October 2012

Biography - Don Warrington

by Marjorie H Morgan © 2015

Don Warrington. MBE. Actor; Director. Born: 1952, Trinidad.

Don Warrington was born in Trinidad on 23rd May 1952. His father, Basil Kydd, was a Trinidadian politician who died in 1958 when Don Warrington was still a small child. After the death of his father, Warrington’s mother moved with the family - Don and his brother - to the UK because ‘she needed a change.’ Since that first major migration across continents Warrington has travelled extensively throughout the UK – and the rest of the world. He is now firmly based in London with his wife of over two decades: they have two sons.

Warrington remembers his early years in Newcastle-upon-Tyne as a time of ‘enormous adaptability’: he was a child in an alien place. He recalls how that single journey from Trinidad to England moved him – both literally thousands of miles and from being in a majority to being in a minority.[1]

Literature and theatre were some of the tools that Warrington used to find his own place of belonging in his new environment. When Warrington identified his desire to be an actor he set about making his dream a reality. The only other career aspiration that Warrington admits having is that of being a train driver – like most other small boys of his age. When he was 17, Warrington obtained a job as an Assistant Stage Manager in the local repertory theatre – the Flora Robson Playhouse, Newcastle. It was from this start that he gained a place at the Drama Centre, London. After three years of study he graduated and began his professional career as an actor. In the early part of his profession Warrington appeared in the stage productions of Hair and The Banana Box. It was in the latter production (by Eric Chappell) that Warrington worked alongside Leonard Rossiter with whom he subsequently appeared in the television sitcom Rising Damp. In this memorable series Warrington played Town and Country Planning student Philip Smith (this was a development from Eric Chappell’s stage play, Banana Box in which Warrington and Rossiter first played their characters). It is in this role, as Philip Smith, that Warrington is well remembered: for his precise and well enunciated upper-class accent – it was to become his trademark. The new speech patterns were another shift in identity from his Trinidadian roots and his newly acquired Newcastle accent.

Warrington is regularly seen and heard on TV, radio and stage. He is one of the UK’s leading contemporary and classic actors. His recognisable and affable persona led to him also being cast in a TV advertisement for Kenco Coffee.

Warrington’s acting roles have taken him to locations around the world. His first stage role in the controversial production of Hair resulted in a tour through Europe and a recent TV drama series that is set in the Caribbean: Death in Paradise, has taken him back to the geographical area of his birth. Although filmed in Guadaloupe, this crime drama is set in the mystical Caribbean island of Saint-Marie.
From October through December in 2012 Don Warrington will be touring the British theatre circuit with a stage performance of the Oscar winning film, Driving Miss Daisy. Warrington has been acting on screen and stage for many decades. Some of his television credits include C.A.T.S Eyes, Morse, New Street Law, The Crouches, Trial and Retribution, Manchild, Holby City, Casualty and Doctor Who. Warrington also has several film credits to his name including Hamlet, Black XXX-Mas, Land of the Blind, Babymother, Tube Tales, Eight and a Half Women, and It’s a Wonderful Afterlife.

Don Warrington has received high acclaim for his many stage roles including recognition for his outstanding performances in Elmina’s Kitchen and Statement of Regret at the National Theatre, London - both plays were written by Kwame Kwei-Armah. Other plays have included: A Midsummer Night’s Dream, Julius Caesar, Raisin in the Sun, The Merchant of Venice, Thee and Me, and Alterations. Throughout his career Warrington has often worked with the Royal Shakespeare Company, Talawa and other well established production companies. As well as acting on the stage Warrington has been a stage director in the theatre. In 2010 he made his directorial debut with the performance of Rum and Coco Cola at the West Yorkshire Playhouse.

In an effort to encourage British creative talent Don Warrington is also an executive director of newly formed TV production company, Pampaset, which aims to cultivate and develop young writers who are expressing the current Black British experience.

Don Warrington was awarded a MBE in the Queen’s Birthday Honours of 2008 for his services to drama.

[1] My Life in Books, BBC2, Series 2 Episode 5, 2nd March 2012 

Monday, 6 August 2012

Jamaican Independence 50 years (1962 - 2012) 50 people

50 years Golden Jubilee celebration of Jamaican Independence - 6th August 1962

by Marjorie H Morgan © 2013

Section 1
1960 – 1969
Entering the Wilderness

6th August 2012

50 years  - 50 memorable people from the island of Jamaica

1          Bill Morris
2          Barry Reckord
3          Patricia Cumper
4          Willard White
5          Yvonne Brewster
6          Anton Phillips
7          Mona Hammond
8          Geoff Palmer 
9          Alfred Fagon
10        Olive Morris
11        Bob Marley
12        Austin James Thomas
13        Jean ‘Binta’ Breeze
14        Asafa Powell
15        Ziggy Marley
16        Rita Marley
17        Louise Bennett Coverly – ‘Miss Lou’
18        Lennox Lewis
19        Grace Jones
20        Una Marston
21        Louis Grant
22        Desmond Dekker
23        Jimmy Cliff
24        Veronica Campbell-Brown
25        Shelly-Ann Fraser
26        Deon Hemmings
27        Merlene Ottey
28        Usain Bolt
29        Don Quarrie
30        Melanie Walker
31        Madge Sinclair
32        Damian Marley
33        Roger R Cross
34        Joan Riley
35        Morris Cargill
36        Michael Manley
37        Mervyn Morris
38        Thomas Phillip Lecky
39        Kenneth Ingram
40        Amy Bailey
41        Olive Senior
42        Doña Croll
43        Linford Christie
44        Errol Brown
45        Stuart Hall
46        Charles Hyatt
47        Oliver Samuels
48        Frank Cousins
49        Portia Simpson-Miller
50        Alexander Bustamante
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